ɣʷ


ɣʷadzi nm. quiver carquois (5 groups, 11 languages) B
This root is found in languages around the Nigerian Plains area, and reflects a technological innovation rather than an ancient Proto-Central Chadic root. The sound changes indicate that the root was introduced during the time of the group proto-languages. The *ɣʷ has become *gʷ in the Higi group, and has developed into *kʷ in the Bata and Margi groups, all of which are unestablished changes. In Sukur the fricative component was lost, leaving /w/, also an unestablished change. The *dz has been devoiced to *ts in the Higi group, which is also an unestablished change. The final *i is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Margi group.

1Proto-Bata *kʷadza quiver carquois 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kʷàdzá quiver 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kʷàdzá collective term for bow, arrows, and quiver 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) kʷadzan Carquois 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) kʷadza carquois

2Proto-Sukur *wadzi quiver carquois 2.1) Sukur (David) wadzi quiver 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) wadzəi quiver;- is a case for carring arrows.

3Proto-Margi *kʷadza ʸ quiver carquois 3.1) Bura (Blench) kʷadʒa Quiver for carrying arrows 3.2) Margi South (Harley) kʷadza quiver 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) gʷadʒa quiver

4Proto-Lamang *ɣʷadzi quiver carquois 4.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣʷadzi quiver le carquois

5Proto-Higi *gʷɨtsi quiver carquois 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gùtʃə́ Quiver 5.2) Kirya (Blench) gùtʃìl quiver. ordinary type used for hunting 5.3) Bana (Lienhard) gùtʃì carquois
ɣʷɨ nf. head tête (8 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɣɨn.
This root is found in a diverse set of languages, and may reflect a primary Proto-Central Chadic root. Cognates are found in other branches of Chadic. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ is retained as vocalisation in Psikye, Buduma, Mser and the languages of the Kotoko North group. The velar component has reflexes /h/, /k/, /g/ and /ᵑg/. The final vowel becomes *a as a regular feature in many groups.

1Proto-Daba *ha head tête 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) head tête 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) head tête

2Proto-Sukur *kɨ head tête 2.1) Sukur (David) head 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) head; the part of the body on top of the neck containing the eyes, nose, mouth and brain.

3Proto-Hurza *ᵑga head tête 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵑga head tête 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ŋa tête 3.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ᵑgà head tête

4Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨ head tête 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣə təmə ram head 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣi head 4.3) Psikye (Angelo) gu head

5Proto-Kotoko Island *kʷɨ head tête 5.1) Buduma (McKone) kuə head tête 5.2) Buduma (McKone) ku tête.

6Proto-Kotoko North *gʷa head tête 6.1) Afade (Allison) go head tête 6.2) Mpade (Allison) head tête 6.2.1) Mpade (Allison) ko particle, head particule, tête

7Proto-Kotoko Centre *kʷa head tête 7.1) Lagwan (Allison) kaa head tête 7.2) Mser (Allison) ko head tête

8Proto-Gidar *kɨj head tête 8.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ki tête 8.2) Gidar (Schuh) kija/0 tête
ɣʷɨɓis v. laugh rire (12 groups, 29 languages) C
This is a difficult root to reconstruct. The three consonants of the reconstructed form are found only in the Mandara and Lamang groups. In all other groups the *ɣʷ and *ɓ have interacted or been lost. *ɣʷ has been lost in Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, which is an unestablished change. In Podoko the labialisation component was retained and vocalised, and in Proto-Higi the labialisation component transferred onto *ɓ. Within the Higi group, *ɓʷ→ʔʷ in several languages, which is an unestablished change. There has been an unestablished change *ɓ→ᵐb, giving the forms in Mbuko, Moloko and Lamang. The sporadic change *ᵐb→m took place subsequently, giving the forms in Daba, Proto-Tera, Ouldeme, Vame and Gidar. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ combined with this in Proto-Bata, Vame and Proto-Margi. In another path, the *m combined with *ɣʷ to create *ᵑgʷ, giving the forms in Mafa, Merey and Dugwor. These examples of fusion are common sporadic processes. There is evidence for reconstructing *i from the Sukur, Margi and Higi groups.

1Proto-Bata *mʷɨs laugh rire 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) nwusə laugh, laugh at, mock 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) uʃi amʷɨskə Amusant,ante 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a mʷeskən rire, sourire

2Proto-Daba *ɓas laugh rire 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs smile sourire 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɓas laugh rire 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīs rire ; se moquer de...

3Proto-Mafa *ŋgʷas laugh rire 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ngʷás rire

4Proto-Tera *mɨs laugh rire 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃi məsi laugh (do laughter) 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) mu̱s laugh

5Proto-Sukur *ɓis laugh rire 5.1) Sukur (David) ɓis laugh, to 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɓis laugh; to make sounds and movements of your face that show you are happy or think something is funny.

6Proto-Hurza ᵐbɨsɨj laugh rire 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵐbasaj laugh rire 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃ laugh rire 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃìjà laugh ; laugh at ; mock moquer_(se)

7Proto-Margi *mʷisa laugh rire 7.1) Bura (Blench) kumʃi To smile, to laugh 7.1.1) Bura (Blench) muʃa, miʃa To smile; to begin to laugh

8Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨɓasa laugh rire 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓasa rire, sourire 8.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùɓásᵊga laugh 8.3) Dghwede (Frick) gəpʼasa to laugh

9Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨᵐbasa laugh rire 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màsàj be contented ; laugh être content ; rire 9.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas smile sourire 9.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas laugh rire 9.3) Merey (Gravina) ŋgʷasa laugh rire 9.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) məngʷesej laugh rire

10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨɓas laugh rire 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣəᵐboso laugh 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasaj to laugh, to mock rire, se moquer 10.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasu laugh le rire

11Proto-Higi *ɓʷɨsi laugh rire 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼuʃí laugh 11.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ùʃí Laugh 11.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓʷìʃí to laugh 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) ʼwuʃí laugh 11.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) ŋʼwuʃí laugh 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwə́ʃí rire, sourire, vaincre

12Proto-Gidar *ɨmasa laugh rire 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) əmasa rire
ɣʷɨlɨm n. cheek joue (7 groups, 11 languages) D
The forms from four of the groups cited are clearly cognate, but the Mbara and Gidar words lack the reflex of *m which would normally be expected, and the Glavda form lacks *l, thus making their status as cognates doubtful. *ɣʷ has become *hʷ in the Hurza and Mofu groups. In the Hurza group this is an unestablished change, but in these languages of the Mofu group, /gʷ/ is expected. The labialisation has then been reanalysed as a prosody in Mbuko and Proto-Mofu, which is a common sporadic change. A similar process has taken place in Sukur and Kirya.

1Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣulum cheek

2Proto-Hurza *mɨhʷɨlam cheek joue 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) məhulom cheek joue 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) múlá cheek joue

3Proto-Mandara *wɨm cheek joue 3.1) Glavda (Owens) úum cheek

4Proto-Mofu *mahalɨm ʷ cheek joue 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) máhalúm joue f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) maholom cheek joue 4.3) Merey (Gravina) maholom joue 4.3.1) Merey (Gravina) mahololom cheek joue

5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 5.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣulum cheek 5.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lmə̀ joue

6Proto-Musgum *galaj cheek joue 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) galaj cheek

7Proto-Gidar *galiin cheek joue 7.1) Gidar (Hungerford) galiin joue
ɣʷɨlɨs ʸ nf. kidney rein (10 groups, 18 languages) B
This root is widespread amongst the languages of the North sub-branch, but is only attested in Buwal, Gavar and Sukur of the South sub-branch. *l did not exist in Proto-Central Chadic, but was an innovation in the North sub-branch following *r→l. This indicates that this root originated in Proto-Central Chadic North. *ɣʷ has the expected wide range of reflexes, some regular and some irregular. The palatalisation prosody is well supported by the data. The presence of *ɗ in the Kotoko Centre and North languages could be due to *l→r→ɗ, though this process has not been established as regular. The Mpade form is the result of metathesis.

1Proto-Daba *wɨlɨs ʸ kidney rein 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ules kidney rein 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wəliʃ kidney rein

2Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 2.1) Sukur (David) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney; the two organs in the body that remove waste products from the blood and produce urine.

3Proto-Hurza *hʷɨlasase kidney rein 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hùlásásé kidney rein

4Proto-Margi *kʷɨlsi ʸ kidney rein 4.1) Bura (Blench) kulʃi Kidneys 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) hulʃi kidney

5Proto-Mandara *kʷɨlɨsɨ ʸ kidney rein 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) hulə́ʃe,-ə rein 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋursasa kidney 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) zɾá kʷʃᵊla kidney

6Proto-Mofu *wɨlas ʸ kidney rein 6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) wures dəba kidney rein 6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wules-dəɓá rein

7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣʷələsisi kidney 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulisisi kidney le rein

8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨsʲi kidney rein 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) goliʃi kidney 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣulətʃi kidney 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) wə̀lìsà rein

9Proto-Kotoko Centre *hʷɨɗɨs kidney rein 9.1) Lagwan (Allison) xuɗusɨ kidney rein 9.2) Mser (Allison) hɨdɨs kidney rein

10Proto-Kotoko North *ɗɨgʷɨse kidney rein 10.1) Mpade (Allison) ɗùgùsé kidney rein
ɣʷɨmɨɗ ʸ n. beard barbe (9 groups, 14 languages) B
The final *ɗ under palatalisation is realised as *j in almost all cases, which is a regular change. This has then been vocalised in Proto-Margi and Proto-Mandara. The palatalisation prosody is retained only in Gidar. *ɣʷ has a wide range of reflexes, as expected.

1Proto-Sukur *ɣɨmaj beard barbe 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣəmaj beard 1.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəmai beard:-is a hait that grown on the chin of a man;s mouth.

2Proto-Hurza *hɨmaj beard barbe 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) həmaj beard barbe (f) (homme, bouc)

3Proto-Margi *kʷɨmi beard barbe 3.1) Bura (Blench) kùmí Beard 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) ʃíʃí kùmí Beard (on chin)

4Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨmi beard barbe 4.1) Matal (Branger) agʷaj, agoj beard barbe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) mume,-i barbe 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) uma barbe (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kuuma, uuma beard

5Proto-Mofu *hɨmaj beard barbe 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màmáj beard barbe 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) həma beard barbe

6Proto-Maroua *hɨmɨŋ ʷ beard barbe 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hummuŋ barbe touffue

7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨmaj beard barbe 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣumaj chin, goatee le menton, la barbe

8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨmiɗ beard barbe 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣuɓe beard 8.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣùmí beard

9Proto-Gidar *aᵑgama ʸ beard barbe 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) eᵑgeme barbe 9.2) Gidar (Schuh) aᵑgeme barbe
ɣʷɨpa nf. flour farine (12 groups, 36 languages) B
In Proto-Central Chadic, *p had the allophone [p] in word-medial position. However, in Proto-Daba and Proto-Mafa we find *f, which is unestablished. *p has become /ᵐb/ in Vame and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, which is also an unestablished change. *ɣʷ has the usual wide range of reflexes, and in some cases has been lost. In Sukur and Proto-Margi the labialisation component has transferred onto *p, which is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *hʷɨpɨ flour farine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀mpúnə flour (from any grain) 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) pun Farine 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) pʷə farine 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahpʷe la farine

2Proto-Daba *ŋfa flour farine 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) n̩fa flour farine

3Proto-Mafa *gʷɨfa flour farine 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúfá farine 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kəfa flour farine

4Proto-Sukur *pʷa flour farine 4.1) Sukur (David) powa flour, millet 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) pʷa flour; a fine white or brown powder made from grain, especially guineacorn, maize, etc.

5Proto-Hurza *hɨᵐbɨga flour farine 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀ᵐbə̀gà flour farine

6Proto-Margi *ɨpʷɨ flour farine 6.1) Bura (Blench) mpʷa Flour, meal 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) əmpu flour 6.3) Margi South (Hoffman) upau flour 6.4) Kilba (Hoffman) upʷa flour 6.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) upʷa/up flour

7Proto-Mandara *kʷɨpɨ flour farine 7.1) Matal (Branger) phaw flour farine 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pəhʷa,-u farine 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úkpé farine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpa flour 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ax guinea corn flour 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) àxʷpíja flour

8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨpa flour farine 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūᵐbò flour farine 8.2) Muyang (Smith) huᵐbu flour farine 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) hoᵐbo farine 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həᵐbo flour farine 8.4) Proto-Meri *gʷɨfa flour farine 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) gùfá farine f. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gufa flour farine 8.7) Merey (Gravina) gufo flour farine 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) gufo flour farine 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hápà farine 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hapa flour farine

9Proto-Maroua *hapa flour farine 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hapa farine 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hapa flour farine

10Proto-Lamang *hʷɨpaw flour farine 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hʷpo flour 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hupu flour la farine

11Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨpɨ flour farine 11.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣùpə́ flour 11.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀pə̀ farine

12Proto-Gidar *gɨpa flour farine 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gɨɨpa farine
ɣʷɨr n. field champ (5 groups, 5 languages) C syn: gʷɨvɨh, raj, sɨka.
This root is found in a small but diverse group of languages. It is possible that the root is cognate with *raj, though there is insufficient evidence to establish this with confidence. There is a regular change *r→l in the languages of the North sub-branch, with the irregular exception of Mbara. *ɣʷ has a wide range of reflexes, not all of which are regular.

1Proto-Tera *gar field champ 1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gar bush 1.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gar farm

2Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨr field champ 2.1) Sukur (David) ɣur field, plot 2.2) Sukur (David) ɣər farm

3Proto-Mofu *gɨlɨ ʸ field champ 3.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡili fields, cultivated bush brousse cultivé 3.1.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡili fields, cultivated bush brousse cultivé

4Proto-Musgum *wɨr field champ 4.1) Mbara (Tourneux) wur field champ

5Proto-Gidar *gʷɨlɨjo field champ 5.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gulijo champ, ferme 5.2) Gidar (Schuh) gulijo champs
ɣʷɨrɨp v. blind aveugle (11 groups, 35 languages) A
This root is attested as a noun, adjective or verb. The basic sense was the verb 'to be blind'. The
*ɣʷ has the usual wide range of regular and irregular reflexes. The labialisation component has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Maroua, which is a common sporadic process. There was a regular change *r→l in the groups of the North sub-branch, and also in Proto-Daba. In Proto-Central Chadic, *p was realised as [f] in word-final position, but has the reflex /p/ in Hdi, which is an unestablished change.

1Proto-Bata *wɨrɨfɨ blind aveugle 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) múurə́fá -ə blind person 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) uurəfə become blind, be blind, make blind 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) wərəfən Devenir aveugle ; 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) awəlfe l'aveugle

2Proto-Daba *wɨlɨf blind aveugle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ulɑf blind person (un) aveugle 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ulɑf make blind aveugler 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wələf blind person (un) aveugle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wuləf blind person (un) aveugle 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) wə̀lə̀f l'aveugle ; aveugler

3Proto-Hurza *ɣʷɨraf blind aveugle 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) hurof be_blind être aveugle 3.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) hurof blind aveugle 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣùlàf 1 blind person aveugle 3.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣùlàf 2 blind aveugle

4Proto-Margi *wɨlɨfu blind aveugle 4.1) Margi (Hoffman) ləfə blind person 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) wulfu/u blind

5Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨlɨfɨ blind aveugle 5.1) Matal (Branger) gʷələf, guləf blind person aveugle 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ləfa aveugler 5.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ləfaha ləfa devenir aveugle 5.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ᵑgúləfa,-ə aveugle 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) welfe aveugle 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋulfe, wulfe blind 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gùlfa (be) blind 5.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dàdá gùlfa blind person

6Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨlɨf blind aveugle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) wùlə̀f blind aveugle 6.2) Mada (Nkoumou) muwlofa (un) aveugle 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) həlof blind aveugler 6.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həlof un être aveugle 6.3.2) Moloko (Friesen) həlofəga blind animal animal_aveugle 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùluf (ŋá) aveugle, privé de la vue 6.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) malá gùluf aveugle m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gulof blind person (un) aveugle 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) megulfe di ᵐburo aveugler 6.6) Merey (Gravina) guluf blind person (un) aveugle 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdaw gulof araj blind person (un) aveugle 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) wùlàf aveugle 6.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) méwùlfʼej aveugler, être aveugle 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) húlf aveugler, rendre aveugle 6.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wúlf aveugler, rendre aveugle 6.9.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wulaf aveugle, illettré

7Proto-Maroua *hɨlɨf ʷ blind aveugle 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) huluf être aveugle, devenir aveugle 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hulof blind person (un) aveugle

8Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨlpa blind aveugle 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣulpaku blind aveugle

9Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨfi blind aveugle 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣuli blind 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣʷèlì Blind. 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣuləpi (be) blind 9.2.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mdiɣulə blind person 9.3) Kirya (Blench) mə́ɣùɽìpàə̀ blind 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lf(ə́), ɣʷə̀lə̀f aveugle

10Proto-Kotoko Centre *nɣʷɨf blind aveugle 10.1) Lagwan (Allison) nxufi blind person (un) aveugle 10.2) Mser (Allison) ngʷafɨ blind person (un) aveugle

11Proto-Kotoko South *ɣʷajra blind aveugle 11.1) Zina (Odden) ɣʷàjrà blind person (un) aveugle
ɣʷɨts n., v. dance danser (8 groups, 15 languages) C
This root is not well attested, and has a fairly diverse collection of attestations. It is not clear of the original root was a noun or a verb.

1Proto-Bata *wɨdzɨ dance danser 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) udzə dance 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) udzən Danser ; 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) udz Danser 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) a wədzekən danser

2Proto-Mafa *gats dance danser 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n getʃe danser

3Proto-Sukur *dzɨw dance danser 3.1) Sukur (David) kʷatsakʷatsa tassel, dance 3.2) Sukur (David) dzú dance 3.3) Sukur (Thomas) dzu dance:- to dance when celebrating something.

4Proto-Margi *wɨtsɨ dance danser 4.1) Kilba (Schuh) utsa/ə dance

5Proto-Mofu *kasaw dance danser 5.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mékèsèwèj danser doucement pendant le deuil

6Proto-Lamang *dzagʷa dance danser 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzàgʷàdzàgʷà dance/song (spec.)

7Proto-Higi *wɨtsɨ dance danser 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tswə dance 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tso dance 7.2.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tso dance 7.3) Kirya (Blench) tswə̀ to dance 7.4) Psikye (Angelo) kawutsə́ dance 7.5) Bana (Lienhard) tsə́ danser

8Proto-Kotoko Island *watsa dance danser 8.1) Buduma (McKone) watʃa jouer, danser.
ɣʷɨva nf. body corps (8 groups, 29 languages) B
This is the general term for the human body. In the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group there was a regular change *v→b. *ɣʷ has been lost in many groups, though in most cases this change is not regular. The labialisation component has been retained in some languages either as *w or as the labialisation prosody.

1Proto-Mafa *vaw body corps 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) va corps 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) vaw body corps

2Proto-Tera *va body corps 2.1) Tera (Newman) va body 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ku̱zu̱mdi va body 2.2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ku̱zu̱mdi va skin (of man)

3Proto-Sukur *vɨ body corps 3.1) Sukur (David) body 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) body:the hole physical structure of human and an animal.

4Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨvɨ body corps 4.1) Matal (Branger) vək body corps 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kava corps 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) nava,-ə corps 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) vua corps (m) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) vuwe body 4.5) Glavda (Owens) v body 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) vəga body

5Proto-Mofu *vaw body corps 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) body corps 5.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) self soi 5.3) Muyang (Smith) vu body, self corps, soi-même 5.4) Mada (Nkoumou) va, mla ava vá corps 5.5) Moloko (Friesen) va body corps 5.6) Zulgo (Haller) ba corps m. 5.6.1) Zulgo (Haller) bá, də̀rvà se 5.6.2) Zulgo (Haller) bá, də̀rvà corps m. 5.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) ba body corps 5.8) Merey (Gravina) ba body corps 5.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) ba body corps 5.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) váw le corps

6Proto-Maroua *va ʷ body corps 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) vo body corps

7Proto-Lamang *ɣɨva body corps 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣvà body 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vəɣa body le corps

8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨva body corps 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gʷa body 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) gʷo body 8.3) Kirya (Blench) və̀ body 8.4) Psikye (Angelo) gəva body 8.5) Bana (Lienhard) vɣà corps
ɣʷɨvi n. faeces selles (7 groups, 15 languages) A syn: zaj, ᵑgʷɨ.
The initial *ɣʷ is retained only in the Lamang group, and its loss is irregular in almost all cases. In Proto-Daba it has been lost, and in Proto-Bata, Proto-Sukur and Proto-Higi the labialisation component has transferred to the *v, which is a common sporadic process. There is support for *i in all groups where this vowel has been retained.

1Proto-Bata *vʷi faeces selles 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) vʷin Selles, matières fécales 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) vʷaj selles, excrement

2Proto-Daba *ŋva faeces selles 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋvɑ excrement, faeces excrément 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋvɑ excrement, faeces excrément 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋva excrement excrément

3Proto-Sukur *vʷɨ faeces selles 3.1) Sukur (David) vu faeces 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) vu faeces

4Proto-Margi *kivi faeces selles 4.1) Bura (Blench) kivi Excrement, dung, faeces 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) tʃivi Refuse, faeces. (See kivi) 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) ibi faeces

5Proto-Mandara *gʷɨvɨ faeces selles 5.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) ugve selles (f. pl.) 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ugve dung, faeces 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gùva excrement, faeces 5.4) Dghwede (Frick) gəve excrement

6Proto-Lamang *ɣuvi faeces selles 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣuvi excrement 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuvi feces, stool l'excrément

7Proto-Higi *vʷi faeces selles 7.1) Kirya (Blench) vʷí faeces
ɣʷɨvɨn ʸ nm. charcoal charbon de bois (14 groups, 30 languages) B
This root is well attested across the Cental Chadic languages. The final *n has the reflex *r in the Mandara and Mofu groups, as part of a regular change. However this change should have affected the Margi group, but has not. The change *n to *ŋ in several other groups is also regular, as is the change *v to *f in Proto-Kotoko North. The initial *ɣʷ has the unestablished reflexes *hʷ in Proto-Hurza and *ᵑgʷ in Proto-Daba. There is also a glottal reflex, probably from the unestablished sequence *ɣ→*g→*ʔ. In Moloko this is realised as /ɗ/. In Proto-Kotoko North the glottal has then fused with the *f to create the ejective *fʼ, which is a common sporadic process. In some groups the fricative component of *ɣʷ has been lost, leaving the labialisation component. This has the reflex *w in Mser, and is reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua, another common sporadic process. The labialisation has attached to another consonant in Proto-Margi. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi, Proto-Mofu, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Higi and Proto-Musgum. In some cases the prosody has been vocalised.

1Proto-Bata *ivɨnɨ ʸ charcoal charbon 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ìvə̀njínə charcoal. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) avihi charbon

2Proto-Daba *ᵑgʷɨvan ʷ charcoal charbon 2.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋɡuvoŋ charcoal charbon de bois 2.2) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgə̀vānʼ le charbon de bois

3Proto-Mafa *vaŋ charcoal charbon 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) vaŋ charbon

4Proto-Sukur *vin charcoal charbon de bois 4.1) Sukur (David) vin charcoal charbon

5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨvan charcoal charbon 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) uvon charcoal charbon 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hùvàn coal charbon

6Proto-Margi *vʷɨni charcoal charbon 6.1) Bura (Blench) vina Charcoal charbon 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) vunji charcoal charbon 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uvʷiᵑgi charcoal 6.3.1) Margi South (Harley) uvʷunji charcoal

7Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨvɨrɨ charcoal charbon 7.1) Matal (Branger) aval charcoal charbon 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uvara,-ə charbon 7.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùvɾa charcoal charbon

8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷavar ʸ charcoal charbon 8.1) Moloko (Friesen) ɗever carbon charbon 8.2) Zulgo (Haller) aver charbon (m.) de bois 8.2.1) Zulgo (Haller) avér charbon (m.) de bois 8.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) aver charcoal charbon de bois 8.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ávaŋʷ charbon de bois

9Proto-Maroua *avɨn ʷ charcoal charbon 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) vù Mj, Mt), avoŋ, avu (Mv) (j) charbons éteints

10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨvani charcoal charbon 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣuvini charcoal 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vwani charcoal le charbon de bois

11Proto-Higi *vɨʔʲɨn charcoal charbon 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) vjə charcoal charbon 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) vəno charcoal charbon 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) və̀ʼì charbon

12Proto-Kotoko North *fʼanfʼan charcoal charbon 12.1) Afade (Allison) fʼanfaʔn charcoal charbon de bois 12.2) Mpade (Allison) fònfòn charcoal charbon de bois 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) fanfan charcoal charbon de bois

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨvan charcoal charbon 13.1) Mser (Allison) uvan charcoal charbon de bois

14Proto-Musgum *avaŋ ʸ charcoal charbon 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aveŋ charbon de bois 14.1.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aŋveŋ charbon de bois 14.2) Muskum (Tourneux) vet charbon de bois
ɣʷɨzɨm n. beer bière (5 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vɨhʷ, ᵐbaɮa.
This root is found in a broad area around the Northern Mandara Mountains. There are three well-attested roots for 'beer', which indicates that the practice of brewing beer was an innovation amongst the Central Chadic peoples, probably around the time of the group proto-languages. The *ɣʷ has the expected variety of regular and irregular reflexes. The fricative component has been lost in many groups, and the labialisation component has been reanalysed as *w, *u or the labialisation prosody. In the Giziga languages, the loss has been compensated for by the prefixation of /m/. The regular word-final change *m→w has taken place in the Mandara group, and also in the Lamang group where this change occurs sporadically.

1Proto-Mafa *wɨzam beer bière 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zóm bière de mil 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam beer bière 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam alcohol (general) alcool (général) 1.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam millet beer bière de mil

2Proto-Mandara *gʷɨzɨw beer bière 2.1) Matal (Branger) gʷəzəw // guzu beer bière

3Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨzam beer bière 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) wùzàm beer bière 3.2) Muyang (Smith) zum wine vin 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) wzom biere 3.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùzum bière (f.) de mil 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gozom beer bière 3.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) guzom vin 3.6) Merey (Gravina) guzom vin 3.6.1) Merey (Gravina) guzom alcohol (general) bière, vin, alcool (général) 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) Guzom beer bière 3.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) zàm bièré de mil 3.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́wuzam ᵑga daw bière de mil

4Proto-Lamang *ɣuzɨw beer bière 4.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣùzò beer bière 4.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuzu sorghum beer, guinea corn wine la bière de mil

5Proto-Maroua *mɨzam ʷ beer bière 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) muzom beer bière 5.1.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) muzom millet beer bière de mil 5.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) zam bière