h


hadaj n. eye œil (14 groups, 37 languages) B syn: tsɨ ʸ.
The initial *h in this root is retained in Proto-Daba, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Gidar. In several groups, the presence of an initial vowel indicates that an initial consonant has been lost, giving support to the reconstruction of *h. There was a regular change *d→r in intervocalic position in the North sub-branch. There are two exceptions: Proto-Daba has *r although it is in the South sub-branch, and Proto-Mandara has *d where we would expect *r. There is a subsequent regular change *r→l in Proto-Margi, Moloko and Buduma, and an unestablished change *r→ɗ in Mbuko. There was also the unestablished change *d→t in Proto-Tera. In many cases the final *j has been vocalised, a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *dɨj eye oeil 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dìto eye 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) di oeil, yeux 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) di visage 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) adəŋ les yeux

2Proto-Daba *hɨrɨj eye oeil 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) hə̀rāʼ les yeux 2.2) MazagwayHidi (Noussi) rija oeil

3Proto-Mafa *daj eye oeil 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) daj oeil 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej face visage 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej eye œil

4Proto-Tera *jɨtɨ eye oeil 4.1) Tera (Newman) jitə eye 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) jiti eye

5Proto-Hurza *araj eye oeil 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe eye oeil, yeux 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe face visage 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āráj eye oeil

6Proto-Margi *li eye oeil 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) li eye 6.2) Margi South (Harley) li eye 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) li eye

7Proto-Mandara *di eye oeil 7.1) Matal (Branger) jawdi, jewdi, jewdəj eye oeil 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) de,-i oeil 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿde eye

8Proto-Mofu *haraj eye oeil 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ārāj eye oeil; oeil ; vision 8.2) Muyang (Smith) eri eye ; face ; share ; miserly œil; les yeux; visage; part 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) èrè oeil 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) ele eye oeil 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) aré oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) are oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ere eye œil 8.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗəre eye œil 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) re eye œil 8.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *daj ʸ eye oeil 8.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) dej eye oeil 8.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej eye oeil ; vue 8.11.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej face, likeness figure, visage

9Proto-Maroua *araj eye oeil 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) re eye œil 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaraj yeux, œil 9.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àráj eye oeil

10Proto-Lamang *iri eye oeil 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ílí eye 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) íl eyes 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) iri eye l'oeil

11Proto-Kotoko Island *jɨl eye oeil 11.1) Buduma (McKone) jəl oeil, yeux.

12Proto-Kotoko South *are eye oeil 12.1) Zina (Odden) ìrì eye œil 12.2) Mazera (Allison) ade eye œil

13Proto-Musgum *araj eye oeil 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) araj yeux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ree eyes yeux 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) ree face

14Proto-Gidar *hara eye oeil 14.1) Gidar (Schuh) hara/a oeil 14.2) Gidar (Hungerford) hara oeil
hadik nm. thorn épine (10 groups, 31 languages) A
The initial *h in this root is retained in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Musgum, and the initial vowels in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Mandara support the reconstruction of an initial consonant, since Proto-Central Chadic did not permit initial vowels. In the Mafa group, the loss of *h has been compensated for by the addition of a prefix /v/ in Mafa and /m/ in Cuvok. This is a common process in these languages. *d has become *t in Proto-Mafa and Proto-Lamang, and in Proto-Higi, where this is a regular change. The reflex /dz/ in Sukur is unestablished. The *k is realised as *h in Proto-Bata, an unestablished change, and as /t/ in Muskum, a regular change. *i is reconstructed, rather than the palatalisation prosody, primarily on the evidence from the Bata and Higi groups, with support from the Tera, Sukur, Lamang and Musgum groups. In the Bata group, *i has the reflex /ə/ in both Gude and Sharwa. In Sharwa, *ɨ has the contrasting reflex /ɨ/. The Bata group data therefore supports the reconstruction of *i.

1Proto-Bata *dihɨ thorn épine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dəhá -ə thorn, thorn tree. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dəhə épine

2Proto-Mafa *hɨtak thorn épine 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) vatak épine 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) mətak thorn épine

3Proto-Tera *ⁿdeki thorn épine 3.1) Tera (Newman) ⁿdeki thorn 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ⁿdʒakhti thorn 3.3) Hwana (Harley) ⁿdáxá thorn

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨk ʸ thorn épine 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒik thorn; it is the genearl term for thorns.

5Proto-Hurza *adak thorn épine 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) adak thorn épine 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) àdə̀gà thorn ; prickle épine

6Proto-Mandara *adakɨ thorn épine 6.1) Matal (Branger) ātàk thorn épine 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) taka,-ə épine 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dáké épine (f) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dake thorn 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tàka thorn

7Proto-Mofu *hadak thorn épine 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādàk thorn épines ; une épine 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑdɑk thorn épine (mot général) 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) hadak thorn épine 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) adák épine f. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) adak thorn épine 7.6) Merey (Gravina) dak épine (f) 7.6.1) Merey (Gravina) adak thorn épine 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) adak thorn épine 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàk épine 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hátak épine, épineux

8Proto-Lamang *tiki thorn épine 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) tiki thorn 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) teki thorn l'épine

9Proto-Higi *tikɨ thorn épine 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tikə thorn 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) t(ə́)kí épine

10Proto-Musgum *hadak ʸ thorn épine 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) hedek épine 10.2) Mbara (Tourneux) taha thorn épine 10.3) Muskum (Tourneux) hedet épine
haɗikʷ nm. grasshopper sauterelle (11 groups, 32 languages) B cf: dzaraj.
This root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *h is retained in most groups, but was lost in Proto-Mafa and many individual languages, which is a common sporadic process. The *ɗ is retained only in Gidar. In many groups it has fused with the *i to become *j, and this *j triggered the creation of the palatalisation prosody in several languages in the Mofu group. These are both sporadic processes. However, in Hdi *ɗ has the reflex /ʔ/ and in Kilba /ʔʲ/. These are unestablished changes. The final *kʷ has been lost in several groups. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Mandara it has become *w, and this change also led to the creation of *o in Mpade. In Proto-Daba the labialisation component became *w and replaced the lost *h. In the Maroua group the labialisation component was reanalysed as the labialisation prosody. In the Higi group, *i and *k fused to create /gʲ/. In Bata, the *k fused with *ɗ to create /q/. All these processes are known sporadic processes.

1Proto-Bata *aɗikʷ grasshopper sauterelle 1.1) Bata (Boyd) qaawe locust criquet 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ájìwá grasshopper

2Proto-Daba *wajak grasshopper sauterelle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) wɑjɑk grasshopper sauterelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wɑjɑk grasshopper sauterelle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wajak grasshopper sauterelle 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) wàjə̄pʼ le criquet

3Proto-Mafa *jakʷ grasshopper sauterelle 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) jakʷ grasshopper sauterelle

4Proto-Margi *haɗiw grasshopper sauterelle 4.1) Bura (Blench) hauwa Locust sp. 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) haʼji locust criquet

5Proto-Mandara *hɨjɨwɨ grasshopper sauterelle 5.1) Matal (Branger) hajaw locust locuste, criquet 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hijawa,-ə sauterelle 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) íwa criquet (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) iiwe locust gen. criquet

6Proto-Mofu *hajakʷ grasshopper sauterelle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àwàjàk cricket criquet 6.2) Muyang (Smith) ejew generic term for grashopper criquet (mot générique) 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ájàw màdàlá criquet (sp.) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) hejew cricket, generic name criquet; nom_geàneàral 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) hájaw sauterelle f. sp. 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) hejew grasshopper sauterelle 6.7) Merey (Gravina) hejew grasshopper sauterelle, criquet 6.7.1) Merey (Gravina) hejew grasshopper sauterelle, criquet 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷejek locust locuste, criquet 6.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷejek grasshopper sauterelle 6.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷàjákʷ sauterelle (nom g;-en.) 6.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajakʷ sauterelle, criquet (nom générique) ; (par ext.) insecte

7Proto-Maroua *hajak ʷ grasshopper sauterelle 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) sauterelle (générique), criquet 7.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) grosse sauterelle 7.1.2) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) petite sauterelle noire 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hojok grasshopper sauterelle 7.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hojok locust locuste, criquet

8Proto-Lamang *hiʔi grasshopper sauterelle 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hiʼi grasshopper le criquet, la sauterelle

9Proto-Higi *haɗik grasshopper sauterelle 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hagjí grasshopper 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hagi grasshopper 9.3) Kirya (Blench) hàjí grasshopper 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) xàj sauterelle

10Proto-Kotoko North *hajaw grasshopper sauterelle 10.1) Mpade (Allison) hàjó grasshopper criquet 10.1.1) Mpade (Allison) gajo grasshopper sauterelle

11Proto-Gidar *hajɗaŋ ʸ grasshopper sauterelle 11.1) Gidar (Hungerford) heejɗeŋ locuste (migrateur), sauterelle, criquet 11.2) Gidar (Hungerford) hejdeŋ sauterelle 11.3) Gidar (Hungerford) hejɗeŋ criquet, sauterelle
hajaɣ n. ground squirrel écureuil (8 groups, 20 languages) C
This root is primarily found in the languages of the North sub-branch, but is also found in the Hurza group. The initial *h is retained in Proto-Mofu, and implied by the abnormal initial vowels in Proto-Hurza, Proto-Mandara, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Kotoko South, and the (compensatory) reduplication in Proto-Musgum. The *ɣ is retained in Glavda and Lamang. It has the reflex /g/ in Mpade, /h/ in the Hurza group, Mazera and Moloko, which borrowed the root from Mbuko. *ŋ is the reflex of *ɣ in Proto-Mofu, which was borrowed by Matal. The reflex *w in the Giziga languages is less natural, and may imply that *ɣ was labialised. None of these changes are established regular changes. The *j has triggered the creation of the palatalisation in some Mofu group languages, which is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Hurza *ajah squirrrel écureuil 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ajah squirrel écureuil 1.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) wananajah squirrel écureuil 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ājáh squirrel écureuil

2Proto-Mandara *ajaɣ squirrel écureuil 2.1) Matal (Branger) hājàŋ squirrel écureuil 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) jàjè écureuil (m) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) jeje squirrel écureuil 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ájàʁájàʁa squirrel écureuil 2.4.1) Glavda (Owens) ajaγája squirrel écureuil

3Proto-Mofu *hajaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àjèŋ squirrel écureuil 3.2) Muyang (Smith) ejeŋ Striped ground squirrel Ecureuil fouisseur (écureuil de terre) 3.3) Moloko (Friesen) ajah squirrel écureuil 3.4) Zulgo (Haller) híjéŋ écureuil (m.) de terre 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hijeŋ squirrel écureuil 3.6) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ écureuil 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ squirrel écureuil terrestre ou "Rat palmiste" 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ aŋgʷa l'écureuil qui habite sur les rochers 3.8.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ ᵑga palah l'écureuil qui habite sur la plaine

4Proto-Maroua *ajaw squirrel écureuil 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus 4.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus, un enfant né très petit, ou nim donné par un devin, ou surnom donné à un enfant qui commence à marcher très petit - On tourne l'enfant autour de la termitière pour qu'il grassit, surnom d'un enfant maigre 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew palm rat rat de palme 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew squirrel écureuil

5Proto-Lamang *jaɣe squirrel écureuil 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣ squirrel 5.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣè ground squirrel

6Proto-Kotoko North *jaga squirrel écureuil 6.1) Mpade (Allison) jágà flying squirrel écureil volant

7Proto-Kotoko South *ajahe squirrel écureuil 7.1) Mazera (Allison) ajahe squirrel écureuil

8Proto-Musgum *jaja squirrel écureuil 8.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jaja squirrel écureuil
hakʷ nf. fire feu (14 groups, 39 languages) B
This root is an established Chadic root, though the exact form of the Proto-Central Chadic root is harder to pin down. The *kʷ is present in six of the group proto-languages, and has the reflex *gʷ in the Bata and Kotoko South groups, *ɣʷ in the Higi group, *ʔʷ in the Margi group, and *w in the Maroua, Kotoko Island, Kotoko North and Kotoko Centre groups, and in Mbara in the Musgum group. These are not established changes. There is strong evidence for an initial consonant, and an initial *h is reconstructed. The *h is present in the Daba, Margi, Kotoko North and Musgum groups. However, in many groups the *h has been lost completely. There are a few unusual reflexes. The Proto-Daba root is the result of metathesis. In the Mafa group, the *h has been lost, triggering compensatory prefixation in Mafa and compensatory reduplication in Cuvok.

1Proto-Bata *gʷɨ fire feu 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gúnə fire, heat. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) gun Le feu 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) rugʷə feu 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) gulkʷe le feu

2Proto-Daba *kʷahʷɨ fire feu 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kʷɑhʷɑw fire feu 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) kʷɑhu fire feu 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) kʷɑhu (be) hot 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kahaw fire feu 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) kùhū le feu, la lampe

3Proto-Mafa *hakʷa fire feu 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) vogʷa feu 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kʷakʷaw fire feu

4Proto-Sukur *kʷɨ fire feu 4.1) Sukur (David) ku fire 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ku fire; is the general term for fire.

5Proto-Hurza *akʷa fire feu 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) uko fire, light, electricity feu, lumière, electricité 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ákʷā fire feu

6Proto-Margi *hɨʔʷɨ fire feu 6.1) Bura (Blench) uʼu Fire 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼu fire 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼu fire 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) huʼu fire

7Proto-Mofu *akʷɨ fire feu 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àkù fire feu 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑku fire le feu, le courant électrique 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) oko fire feu 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) akʷá feu m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ako fire feu 7.6) Merey (Gravina) ako feu 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) akʷa fire feu 7.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) awaw fire feu, chaleur torride

8Proto-Maroua *awɨ fire feu 8.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) awu feu 8.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwú fire feu

9Proto-Higi *ɣʷi fire feu 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣʷi 1.fire.2.flower 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣʷi fire 9.3) Kirya (Blench) ɣù fire 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) gʷu fire 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀ feu

10Proto-Kotoko Island *aw fire feu 10.1) Buduma (McKone) aəw fire feu 10.2) Buduma (McKone) âw feu.

11Proto-Kotoko North *hɨw fire feu 11.1) Afade (Allison) hɨw fire feu 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) u fire feu 11.3) Maltam (Allison) jau fire feu

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *awɨ fire feu 12.1) Mser (Allison) awu fire feu

13Proto-Kotoko South *agʷa fire feu 13.1) Mazera (Allison) ago fire feu

14Proto-Musgum *huu, akʷɨ fire feu 14.1) Mbara (Tourneux) huu fire feu 14.2) Muskum (Tourneux) aku feu, chaud
haᵐbɨr nm. skin peau (5 groups, 13 languages) A
*h is retained only in Moloko, but the presence of an initial vowel in the other Mofu group languages, along with Proto-Hurza and Vulum, supports its presence. No Proto-Central Chadic words begin with a vowel. The *ᵐb is found in all reflexes, except for Vulum where it has become /m/. *r has become *l as a result of a regular change in all the languages of the North major group, and also in Cuvok from a separate regular change. /r/ in Moloko is also the result of regular change.

1Proto-Mafa *ᵐbar skin peau 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal skin (of man) peau (d'homme) 1.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal skin (animal) (v) peau (d'animal) 1.1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal hide (of animal) peau (d'animal)

2Proto-Hurza *aᵐbar skin peau 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aᵐbar animal skin peau d'un animal 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) àᵐbàr skin ; hide peau

3Proto-Mofu *haᵐbɨl skin peau 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āᵐbə̀l skin, part of body peau, partie du corps 3.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑᵐbəl skin ; leather peau; cuir 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aᵐbal peau, cuir 3.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) aᵐbal peau 3.4) Moloko (Friesen) haᵐbar skin peau 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) aᵐbəl hide (of animal); skin (animal) (v) peau (d'animal) 3.6) Merey (Gravina) ᵐbal hide (of animal) peau (d'animal) 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aᵐbal hide (of animal); skin (of man) peau (d'animal); peau (d'homme) 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) áᵐbal peau (humaine ou animale)

4Proto-Higi *ᵐbɨl skin peau 4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ᵐbə́l sac en peau

5Proto-Musgum *amɨr skin peau 5.1) Vulum (Tourneux) amɨr peau
haᵐbɨz ʸ n. blood sang (10 groups, 28 languages) A
The initial *h is lost in almost all languages, only being present in Mbazla. It is reconstructed largely due to the frequent reduplication, which is strongly indicative of a lost consonant. This compensatory reduplication has taken place in the Daba, Mafa, Sukur, Mofu, Maroua and Higi groups. The *ᵐb is not reduplicated in its entirety except in Buwal. In other languages, either the /b/ or the /m/ component is used to replace the lost *h. In the Hurza, Margi, Mandara and Higi groups, and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, *ᵐb has become *m, which is an unestablished change. In Mandara and Malgwa there was a regular change *m→w. The *z is devoiced in Proto-Margi as part of a regular change, and it is deleted in Proto-Higi, which is a common but not fully regular process for final consonants. There was metathesis of *ᵐb and *z in Proto-Bata. There is good support for the presence of the palatalisation prosody.

1Proto-Bata *zaᵐbe blood sang 1.1) Bata (Boyd) zààᵐbe blood 1.2) Bachama (Skinner) zaᵐbe blood

2Proto-Daba *haᵐbɨz blood sang 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ᵐbɑᵐbɑz blood sang 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʼɑmpəs blood sang 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) muᵐbəz blood sang

3Proto-Mafa *baᵐbaz ʸ blood sang 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) paᵐbaz sang 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) beᵐbez blood sang 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) beᵐbez blood sang

4Proto-Sukur *muᵐbus blood sang 4.1) Sukur (David) muᵐbuss blood

5Proto-Hurza *mɨza ʸ blood sang 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mez blood sang 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùnʒè blood sang

6Proto-Margi *masi ʸ blood sang 6.1) Kilba (Schuh) maʃi blood

7Proto-Mandara *mɨzɨ ʸ blood sang 7.1) Matal (Branger) aŋiz, aŋiʒ blood sang 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) muzá,-ə sang 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úʒe sang (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuʒe blood

8Proto-Mofu *haᵐbɨz ʸ blood sang 8.1) Proto-Tokombere *amɨz ʸ blood sang 8.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ámìz blood sang 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) emeʒ sang 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) mə́ᵐbə̀z sang m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) baᵐbaz blood sang 8.6) Merey (Gravina) baᵐbaz blood sang 8.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) máᵐbàz sang 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) maᵐbaz sang

9Proto-Maroua *hɨᵐbɨs ʷ blood sang 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) puᵐbus blood sang 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaᵐbus, haᵐbus sang 9.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) ǎᵐbūs blood sang

10Proto-Higi *mimi blood sang 10.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mimji blood 10.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mímí blood 10.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mjimji blood 10.3) Kirya (Blench) mímí blood 10.4) Bana (Lienhard) mímí sang
hɨdzɨn ʸ nf. mortar mortier (12 groups, 34 languages) C
There are two different cognate roots which are mixed here. In the presentation the Daba, Hurza and Mofu entries are divided according to which root is being used. The main difference between the roots is the choice of *n or *r as the final consonant. There is a regular change of final *n→r in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group, but this does not account for *r in the Proto-Bata, Proto-Sukur and Proto-Higi roots, along with Daba and Vame. Nor does it account for the /ŋ/ (from *n) in several Mofu group languages. A possible explanation is that the root existed before the sound change in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group, but that the different forms developed different uses, e.g. one was a large mortar for pounding millet and the other was a small mortar for pounding other items, and the two roots spread independently. *h is proposed to account for the frequent reduplication of the *n root. The *dz is frequently prenasalised, which is a sporadic process. The changes *dz→d in Proto-Musgum and *dz→z in Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular.

1Proto-Bata *ⁿdzɨrɨ ʸ mortar mortier 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) aⁿdzərən Petit mortier qui sert à piler le tabac pour priser. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) ⁿdʒirə mortier

2Proto-Daba *ⁿdzar ʸ mortar mortier 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) ⁿdʒēr mortier

3Proto-Daba *dzɨdzaŋ ʸ mortar mortier 3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒeŋ mortar mortier

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmdzɨr ʸ mortar mortier 4.1) Sukur (David) jim zər mortar, wooden 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) jimdzər, jimnzər, jimzər mortar;- is wooden mortar used for grinding source for soup.

5Proto-Hurza *dzɨra ʸ mortar mortier 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) dzə́ré mortar mortier

6Proto-Hurza *dzɨⁿdzan ʸ mortar mortier 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzəⁿdzen mortar mortier

7Proto-Margi *ⁿdzɨr ʸ mortar mortier 7.1) Bura (Blench) ⁿdʒir Grain mortar

8Proto-Mandara *dzɨrɨ mortar mortier 8.1) Matal (Branger) dzərəw // dzəru mortar mortier 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzə́ra,-ə mortier 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzerá mortier (m) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dzəra mortar 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zᵊɾa mortar, pounding pot 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) dzi mortar

9Proto-Mofu *dzɨra mortar mortier 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzə́ró mortar mortier 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒərɑ mortar mortier 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) adʒra mortier 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzəra mortier m.

10Proto-Mofu *dzɨdzaŋ ʸ mortar mortier 10.1) Muyang (Smith) dʒidʒiŋ mortar mortier 10.2) Moloko (Friesen) tʃədʒen mortar mortier 10.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzeŋdzeŋ mortar mortier 10.4) Merey (Gravina) dzəⁿdzeŋ mortar mortier 10.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒədʒeŋ mortar mortier 10.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) dʒə̀ŋdʒèŋ mortier 10.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒédʒeŋ mortier

11Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨŋ ʸ mortar mortier 11.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiŋ mortier à mil 11.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiŋ pilon à mil 11.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒeŋ mortar mortier

12Proto-Higi *ⁿdzir mortar mortier 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ⁿdzírí Mortar 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ⁿdzir mortar; pounding pot

13Proto-Kotoko Island *adzin mortar mortier 13.1) Buduma (McKone) aedʒin mortar mortier 13.2) Buduma (McKone) âdʒin mortier.

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨn mortar mortier 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zɨnha mortar mortier 14.2) Mser (Allison) azɨn mortar mortier

15Proto-Musgum *dɨŋ mortar mortier 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) adɨŋ mortier 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) dinaj mortar 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) tɨŋ Ceiba pentandra (Bombacaceae) 15.3.1) Muskum (Tourneux) tɨŋ mortier
hɨjɨ n. millet mil (8 groups, 14 languages) A syn: daw, vɨjaw.
This is one of three or more well-attested roots for millet, the staple crop in the region. The forms of the root are very consistent, with the primary differences being in the quality of the vowels. The root is found in languages from a wide area, and so may be reasonably old. However the existence of four different roots for the staple crop suggests that agriculture was not practiced by the earliest Central Chadic peoples.

1Proto-Bata *haj millet mil 1.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hajən graine 1.2) Tsuvan (Johnston) he le mil

2Proto-Sukur *hɨj millet mil 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) həi guineacorn; general term for guineacorn

3Proto-Hurza *ahaj millet mil 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) āháj millet mil

4Proto-Mandara *hɨjɨ millet mil 4.1) Matal (Branger) hi, həj millet mil 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hijá,-ə 1 grain 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) hijá,-ə 2 mil 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hiá mil (m)

5Proto-Mofu *haj millet mil 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hāj millet mil 5.2) Moloko (Friesen) haj millet mil

6Proto-Lamang *hɨja millet mil 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) xíjá millet 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hija sorghum, guinea corn le sorgho, le mil

7Proto-Higi *ha millet mil 7.1) Psikye (Angelo) millet, corn 7.2) Bana (Lienhard) mil (nom générique)

8Proto-Gidar *hajɨ millet mil 8.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hajja mil de saison de pluie, sorgho 8.2) Gidar (Schuh) haja/0 mil 8.3) Gidar (Schuh) haja/0 sorgho
hɨkan num. ten dix (3 groups, 6 languages) A syn: kʷɨm, kɨrɨw.
This is one of three widespread roots for 'ten'. This root is found in three of the four Kotoko groups. *h is lost in Proto-Kotoko North.

1Proto-Kotoko Island *hɨkan ten dix 1.1) Buduma (McKone) həkan ten (10) dix (10)

2Proto-Kotoko North *kan ten dix 2.1) Afade (Allison) kan ten (10) dix (10) 2.2) Mpade (Allison) kán ten (10) dix (10) 2.3) Malgbe (Allison) kan ten (10) dix (10)

3Proto-Kotoko Centre *hɨkan ten dix 3.1) Lagwan (Allison) xkan ten (10) dix (10) 3.2) Mser (Allison) kan ten (10) dix (10)
hɨkin num. three trois (12 groups, 42 languages) A
This root is attested across all groups except for Gidar, Musgum and the Kotoko groups. The final *n has become *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups as part of a regular change. However *r is also found in the Mafa group and in the Giziga languages, and the /ɗ/ in the Daba group is also a reflex of *r. These forms are the result of borrowing. The unestablished *r→ɗ change also took place in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda. In Mandara the *i and *ɗ fused to create /j/. In Malgwa, there was an intermediate /ɗʲ/, which moved to a velar position as part of a regular process of velarisation of palatalised alveolars. All groups except for the Mandara and Lamang groups have *ma- prefixed to the root. In several groups, the *h has been lost, triggering compensatory lengthening of the *a from the prefix. The *i vowel is reconstructed on the basis of evidence from the Margi, Mandara and Maroua groups. The evidence is not conclusive as there is no support for *i from the Bata or Higi groups.

1Proto-Bata *mahɨkɨn three trois 1.1) Bata (Boyd) mʷààkɨ́n three 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) mákə three 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) mahəkən Trois 1.3.1) Jimi (Djibi) mahəkən 3

2Proto-Daba *mahkaɗ three trois 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑhkɑɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑhkɑɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) makaɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) màkāɗ trois

3Proto-Mafa *mahkar three trois 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) makár trois 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) mahkar three (3) trois (3)

4Proto-Tera *mahkan three trois 4.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) mahkan three

5Proto-Sukur *maakɨn three trois 5.1) Sukur (David) maakən three

6Proto-Hurza *maakan three trois 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) maakan three trois 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) máᵑgān three trois

7Proto-Margi *maakir three trois 7.1) Bura (Blench) makir Three 7.2) Margi South (Harley) maakər three 7.3) Kilba (Schuh) maakəru// three

8Proto-Mandara *hɨkirɨ three trois 8.1) Matal (Branger) mākᵊ̀r three trois 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) makə́ra,-ə trois 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) kéjé trois 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kəɠje three 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xkr̩̀ɗa three (3) 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) xkre three

9Proto-Mofu *mahkɨr three trois 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màkàr three trois 9.2) Muyang (Smith) mɑhkər three trois 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) makar three trois 9.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) makar three (3) trois (3) 9.4.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) makər three trois 9.5) Merey (Gravina) mahkar trois 9.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) makar three (3) trois (3) 9.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) màkàr trois 9.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) maakar three trois

10Proto-Maroua *maakaŋ three trois 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) makir trois 10.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) makir trente 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) makir three (3) trois (3) 10.3) Mbazla (SILSurvey) màkāŋ three trois 10.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) maakaŋ trois

11Proto-Lamang *hɨkɨna three trois 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) xkə́ná three 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) həkən three trois

12Proto-Higi *maxkɨn three trois 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) makənə three 12.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mɑ̀kə̀nə́ Three 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) makəo three 12.3) Kirya (Blench) makən three 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) maxkə́n three 12.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) maxkə́nə́ three 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) màxkàn trois
hɨᵐbɨw n. armpit aisselle (7 groups, 19 languages) B
This root is attested across a good range of groups. The initial *h has been lost in Bachama and Mbuko. In Bachama this has triggered compensatory reduplication. The final *w has been reanalysed as labialisation in Bachama and Proto-Margi. In Bachama the *w has fused with the *ᵐb to form /mʷ/, and in Proto-Margi it fused with *h to form *hʷ. All of these are common sporadic processes. In the Mofu group and in Mbuko the attested roots have extra material added, i.e. /jɨk/ or /ɗ/, possibly reflecting an underlying compound. The Proto-Mafa form comes from metathesis of the first two consonants, a sporadic change.

1Proto-Bata *mʷamʷa armpit aisselle 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) mʷamʷatœ armpit

2Proto-Daba *haᵐbɨwa armpit aisselle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) sɑᵐbuwɑ armpit aisselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) skɑ pɑpɑ armpit aisselle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) pumpa armpit aisselle

3Proto-Mafa *ᵐbɨhaw armpit aisselle 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ᵐbəhaw aisselle 3.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ᵐbəhaw aisselle 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbuwa armpit aisselle

4Proto-Hurza *aᵐbajakʷ ʸ armpit aisselle 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aᵐbijœk armpit aisselle

5Proto-Margi *hʷɨᵐbɨ armpit aisselle 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) huᵐbu armpit 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) uᵐbu armpit

6Proto-Mofu *hɨᵐbɨɗ ʸ, hʷɨᵐbajak ʸ, ᵐbɨwa armpit aisselle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hùᵐbùwáj armpit aisselle 6.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbejewk armpit aisselle 6.3) Zulgo (Haller) hìᵐbiɗ aisselle f. 6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) həᵐbeɗ armpit aisselle 6.5) Merey (Gravina) huᵐbejək armpit aisselle 6.5.1) Merey (Gravina) huᵐbejək armpit aisselle 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) huᵐbajekʷ armpit aisselle 6.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) ᵐbúwā aisselle 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ᵐbəwá aisselle 6.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) sí-ᵐbəwá aisselle

7Proto-Higi *haᵐbɨwɨ armpit aisselle 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) haᵐbuwə armpit 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) haⁿduwa armpit
hɨmɨɗ ʸ nm. wind vent (14 groups, 37 languages) A cf: taɬ.
This root is attested across the Central Chadic languages. The basic meaning is 'wind', but is extended to cover the concept 'cold' in many languages. The initial *h is realised as *s in several groups. This does not correspond with any known regular change, but it may be due to spreading of a cognate form from another branch of Chadic. The root *kʷɨhɨm 'mouse' shows similar distribution of *s and *h. The initial /h/ in Buduma is probably the result of a regular change *s→h in that language, rather than a reflex of Proto-Central Chadic *h. The *h has been sporadically lost in many languages, and has resulted in compensatory reduplication in Cuvok and the two Mofu languages. *m is sporadically realised as *ᵐb in a few languages. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from almost all groups where it is expected. In Gidar the /j/ is the regular result of the palatalisation of *ɗ.

1Proto-Bata *miɗɨ wind vent 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) mə̀ɗá -ə air, wind 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ᵐbiɗən Vent, souffle

2Proto-Daba *mɨɗ ʸ wind vent 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑɗ (be) cold (objects) (être) froid 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) miɗ wind (n) vent 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) miɗ air air 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) maɗ (be) cold (objects) (être) froid 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīɗ le vent, le souffle, la vie

3Proto-Mafa *mamaɗ ʸ wind vent 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) memeɗ wind vent 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) memeɗ cold froid

4Proto-Sukur *mɨɗ ʸ wind vent 4.1) Sukur (David) míɗ wind 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) miɗ wind

5Proto-Hurza *hɨmaɗe wind vent 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) maɗ wind; cold vent, froid 5.2) Ndreme (Kinnaird) hùmàɗɛ̀ 5.3) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀màɗè vent

6Proto-Margi *samaɗ ʸ wind vent 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʃaᵐbar Cold 6.1.1) Bura (Blench) ʃaᵐbar Wind 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) jamaɗə wind, cold 6.3) Margi South (Harley) jəᵐbaɗu wind

7Proto-Mofu *hɨmɨɗ ʸ wind vent 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àmàɗ wind vent 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑməɗ air ; wind ; cold ; breath vent; froid 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) amaɗ vent 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) həmaɗ wind, cold vent; froid 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) híᵐbíɗ vent m. 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həᵐbeɗ le vent 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) həmeɗ wind vent 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) mèmə̀ɗ vent 7.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mèmə̀ɗ froid 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) memeɗ vent, froid

8Proto-Maroua *hɨmɨɗ ʸ wind vent 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) himiɗ(i) vent, froid 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) himiɗ(i) se dégonfler 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) himeɗ wind vent 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) simeɗ vent 8.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃimeɗ vent

9Proto-Kotoko Island *haᵐbaɗɨ wind vent 9.1) Buduma (McKone) həaᵐbaɗə; lieni cold weather temps froid 9.2) Buduma (McKone) hâᵐbaɗə le froid. 9.3) Buduma (McKone) hâᵐbəɗa froid.

10Proto-Kotoko North *samaɗe wind vent 10.1) Afade (Allison) semaɗe cold weather temps froid 10.2) Mpade (Allison) sɨ́máɗɨ̀ cold weather temps froid 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) tʃʼamare cold weather temps froid

11Proto-Kotoko Centre *sɨmaɗɨ wind vent 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) ʃima cold weather temps froid 11.1.1) Lagwan (Allison) sɨmaɗɨ; ɣʷava wind vent 11.2) Mser (Allison) sɨmaɗi cold weather temps froid

12Proto-Kotoko South *sɨmaɗe wind vent 12.1) Zina (Odden) asmaɗə; màgàwà wind vent 12.2) Mazera (Allison) sɨmɗe wind vent

13Proto-Musgum *sɨmaɗ ʸ wind vent 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) sɨmer vent 13.1.1) Vulum (Tourneux) simer vent 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) sumʼdaj cold 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) sumʼdaj wind 13.3) Muskum (Tourneux) simet vent

14Proto-Gidar *sɨmja wind vent 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) səmja vent, froid 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) səmja froid 14.3) Gidar (Schuh) səmja vent 14.4) Gidar (Hungerford) sɨmja froid
hɨna v. lie down se coucher (8 groups, 21 languages) A
The basic sense is 'to lie down in order to sleep', but is extended to include 'give birth' in some languages. It is also used to denote the period of time when someone is asleep or extended periods in general, and in at least one language the nominalised form has the sense of a 'day', i.e. a period of twenty-four hours. The root is not found in any languages of the South sub-branch, except for Cuvok where this may be one of many borrowings from Mofu-Gudur. The *h has been lost in several Mofu group languages, and there has been metathesis of the *h and *n in Cuvok and Mbuko.

1Proto-Mafa *naha lie down se coucher 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) naha lie down se coucher

2Proto-Hurza *hɨna lie down se coucher 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nahaj lie_down coucher 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀nákádè lie down coucher

3Proto-Mandara *hɨna lie down se coucher 3.1) Matal (Branger) mahən hiŋ, mahin ~ lie down coucher 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 1 coucher 3.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 2 passer la nuit 3.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 3 rester longtemps 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xɨ́ᵑgàna lie down

4Proto-Mofu *hɨna lie down se coucher 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ná se coucher 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ná passer la nuit 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) mehəne lie down se coucher 4.4) Merey (Gravina) həna lie down se coucher 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) manaj lie down se coucher 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj se coucher 4.6.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj passer la nuit 4.6.2) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj durer 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́n sleep dormir, se coucher ; passer la nuit ; durer

5Proto-Maroua *hɨn lie down se coucher 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hən lie down se coucher 5.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) hən accoucher

6Proto-Lamang *hini lie down se coucher 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) hini sleep, lie down 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hanadata lie down to sleep se coucher

7Proto-Higi *hɨni lie down se coucher 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hinigʷə lie down. 7.2) Kirya (Blench) hàànə́ to lie down 7.3) Bana (Lienhard) xə̀ní se coucher

8Proto-Kotoko Island *hɨnaj lie down se coucher 8.1) Buduma (McKone) hənaj lie down se coucher
hɨpaɬ ʸ nf. shoulder épaule (8 groups, 19 languages) B rel. to: paɮa.
This root is probably related to the root *paɮa 'upper arm', though the lack of regularity in the reflexes of the lateral fricatives in the two roots indicates that these should not be considered as a single root, but as two related forms deriving from one root. The initial *h is lost in many languages, and this loss has triggered compensatory reduplication in many cases. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from almost all groups. There was metathesis of *p and *ɬ in the Mandara group, a sporadic process.

1Proto-Mafa *paɬpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) peɬpeɬ epaule

2Proto-Sukur *tapaɬ shoulder épaule 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) tapaɬ shoulder; either of the two parts of the body between the top of each arm and the neck.

3Proto-Hurza *paɬpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) péɬpēɬ shoulder épaule

4Proto-Margi *apaɬa shoulder épaule 4.1) Bura (Blench) páɬáhà Shoulder Also pátláhù 4.2) Margi South (Harley) papaɮa shoulder 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) paɬəka shoulder

5Proto-Mandara *aɬapɨ ʸ shoulder épaule 5.1) Matal (Branger) dzàbàɬa᷆ shoulder épaule 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) náhjápéhjápé épaule (f) 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nahjepe shoulder 5.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) lahjepe shoulder 5.4) Glavda (Owens) açá shoulder 5.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) āçápa shoulder

6Proto-Mofu *hɨpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mə̄pépéɬ shoulder épaule 6.2) Muyang (Smith) həpɑɬ both the shoulders, the part of the body that can be moved les épaules (qu'on peut hausser) 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ahpaɬ epaule 6.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pepéɬ omoplate, épaule

7Proto-Maroua *papaɮ ʸ shoulder épaule 7.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) pepeɮ shoulder épaule

8Proto-Higi *baɮa shoulder épaule 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) báɮa shoulder 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ᵐbaɮa shoulder 8.3) Kirya (Blench) bàbàɮà shoulder 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) báɮí épaule
hɨra n. arm, hand bras, main (8 groups, 25 languages) C syn: paɮa, dzɨvɨ ʸ.
This is the most widely attested of the three roots for 'arm'. We expect to find *r→l in the languages of the North sub-branch, but the data from Podoko and much of the Mofu group contradicts this. Proto-Maroua *n word-final corresponds with *r word-final in these two groups, so it may be that the North sub-branch languages are reflexes of a different root *(a)han.

1Proto-Daba *ra arm bras 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) arm bras 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hand main 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hand main 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) arm bras

2Proto-Mafa *raj arm bras 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ráj main, bras 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ha hand, hand main, bras

3Proto-Tera *xar arm bras 3.1) Tera (Newman) xar hand (arm) 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) khar hand 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ᵐbǝrahera arm

4Proto-Sukur *ri arm, hand bras, main 4.1) Sukur (David) ri arm, hand 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) rəi hand:- is the part of the body at the end of the arm.

5Proto-Hurza *alaj arm bras 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) alaj hand bras, main 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āláj arm |uc{main, bras} - de l'épaule jusqu'au bout des doigts

6Proto-Mandara *harɨ arm bras 6.1) Matal (Branger) ahal arm bras 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hará,-ə main; bras

7Proto-Mofu *ahɨr, hɨlaj arm bras 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āhár arm - from the shoulder to the tips of the fingers |uc{main, bras} - de l'épaule jusqu'au bout des doigts 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑr hand ; arm ; handle ; branch main; bras; manche; branche 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ahar bras supérieur 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ahar arm; hand bras; main 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) ahə́r main f. 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ahər arm bras 7.7) Merey (Gravina) həlaj arm bras, main 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) laj arm bras 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) laj hand main 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hār bras, main 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) har hand, arm la main, bras 7.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) har (sens figuré) temps, occasion

8Proto-Maroua *han arm bras 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) haŋ main, bras 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) han, haŋ hand; arm main; bras 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) haŋ bras 8.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) hāŋ arm / hand bras / main
hɨrɨdz ʸ nf. scorpion scorpion (12 groups, 35 languages) B
This root is found across almost all the Central Chadic groups, but is not found in any of the Kotoko groups. The initial *h is lost in several languages, a common sporadic change. In Mafa this has been compensated for by the addition of a prefixed /v/, a common process. The *r is expected to have the reflex *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, but this is not the case. The implication is that the root did not come into the languages from Proto-Central Chadic. The breadth of the attestations, and the changes found in the reflexes imply that the root is old. It may have existed in the South sub-branch, and spread from there into the North sub-branch. The *dz has the reflexes *ts, *d and *z. The *d in Proto-Musgum and *z in Proto-Gidar are regular, but there are no consistent patterns to the reflexes of *dz in other groups. The palatalisation prosody is retained in almost all groups where it is expected.

1Proto-Bata *hɨradzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àrə̀də̀də́nə scorpion. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) redzən 1 - Varan; 2 - Scorpion 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ardə scorpion 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) hərdekən le scorpion

2Proto-Daba *rɨdzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) redʒe scorpion scorpion 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) rədʒi scorpion scorpion 2.3) Daba (Lienhard) īrdì le scorpion

3Proto-Mafa *haradz scorpion scorpion 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) varadza scorpion 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) rats scorpion scorpion

4Proto-Sukur *ᵐbɨrdaj scorpion scorpion 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) ᵐbərdai scorpion; a small creature like an insects with sex legs, two front claws and a long tail that curves over it's back and can a poisonous sting.

5Proto-Hurza *rɨdza ʸ scorpion scorpion 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) rədʒe scorpion scorpion

6Proto-Margi *hɨda ʸ scorpion scorpion 6.1) Bura (Blench) hidi Scorpion 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) ida/a scorpion

7Proto-Mandara *radzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 7.1) Matal (Branger) ālìʒ scorpion scorpion 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) raⁿdzá,-ə scorpion 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) érdze scorpion (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ərdza scorpion 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ard scorpion 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) árd͡za scorpion

8Proto-Mofu *hɨrɨda ʸ scorpion scorpion 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) árdà scorpion scorpion 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑⁿdrɑ (small yellow) scorpion sorte de petit scorpion jaune 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) harats scorpion scorpion 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) hìrde scorpion m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hərdede scorpion scorpion 8.6) Merey (Gravina) hərdəde scorpion scorpion 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) arəde scorpion scorpion 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) aráts scorpion scorpion

9Proto-Maroua *arats ʸ scorpion scorpion 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) aratʃe scorpion scorpion 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaretʃ scorpion 9.2.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼariʃ scorpion

10Proto-Lamang *rɨda scorpion scorpion 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ə́rdà scorpion 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) rəda scorpion le scorpion

11Proto-Musgum *hɨrɨdɨw scorpion scorpion 11.1) Vulum (Tourneux) hɨrduu scorpion 11.2) Mulwi (Tourneux) hirduu scorpion 11.3) Mbara (Tourneux) hurtuwaj scorpion 11.4) Muskum (Tourneux) hurut scorpion

12Proto-Gidar *hɨrzɨja scorpion scorpion 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hərzija scorpion
hɨrɨgʷɨv n. baboon babouin (6 groups, 16 languages) B
This root is quite difficult to reconstruct. The initial *h is retained only in Mbuko and Moloko, which are neighbours. The *r has changed to *l as expected in the languages of the North sub-branch and the Daba group. The *gʷ has the unestablished reflexes *kʷ in Proto-Mandara and Ouldeme, *ʔʷ in an intermediate form leading to Proto-Maroua, and *hʷ in Proto-Daba, Proto-Mofu and the forms leading to Proto-Tera and Proto-Gidar. In these last two groups, the resulting *h component has been lost and the labialisation reanalysed as the labialisation prosody, resulting in back vowels. This is a common sporadic process. In some Mofu group languages, there has been metathesis of the *l and *hʷ (from *gʷ). The labialisation component of the original *gʷ has also become the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Hurza and Proto-Maroua. The final *v has become *f in Mbudum and Proto-Maroua, which is an unestablished change. There is no reflex of *v in Malgwa, which would be unusual, implying that the Malgwa word is a chance similarity.

1Proto-Daba *lahav ʷ baboon babouin 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) lahaf baboon babouin 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) lòhòv le cynoc[ephale, le babouin

2Proto-Tera *ruf baboon babouin 2.1) Tera (Newman) ruf baboon

3Proto-Hurza *hɨrgav ʷ baboon babouin 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) hərgov baboon babouin

4Proto-Mandara *lɨkʷɨva baboon babouin 4.1) Malgwa (Löhr) nagula, lagula baboon 4.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) lúkùva baboon

5Proto-Mofu *hɨlɨgʷɨv baboon babouin 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ālkùv baboon babouin ; cynocéphale 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑluɡuv baboon babouin 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) hərgov monkey singe(noir, gros) 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) àlùv babouin m. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hulov baboon babouin 5.6) Merey (Gravina) wuluv baboon babouin 5.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) lagʷav Babouin

6Proto-Maroua *ləʔɨf ʷ baboon babouin 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) luʼuf singe noir de la montagne, babouin 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) alʼof monkey singe

7Proto-Gidar *lava ʷ baboon babouin 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) lovo, o babouin
hɨwɨj v. to run courir (10 groups, 21 languages) B
This root is found in many different groups. In Mbuko and Sukur the *h and *w are two separate consonants, rather than the single labialised consonant found in almost all the other languages. The process of fusion of *w with another consonant to form a labialised consonant is very common, and there are no clear cases of the separation of the labialisation from the consonant in this way, so the reconstruction with separate *h and *w is preferred.

1Proto-Bata *hʷɨj run courir 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) hujən Courir ;

2Proto-Daba *hɨj run courir 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hej run courir 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hej flee s'enfuir 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) hej spread (disease, fire) se répandre, s'étendre 2.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hi run courir

3Proto-Mafa *hʷaj run courir 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ha courir 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaj run courir

4Proto-Sukur *hɨwi run courir 4.1) Sukur (David) huwi run, to 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) hui run

5Proto-Hurza *haw run courir 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) haw run; flee courir; fuir 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) haw se précipiter sur

6Proto-Margi *hʷi run courir 6.1) Bura (Blench) hʷi To run 6.1.1) Bura (Blench) huhʷi To run (Sustained action) 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) wi to run 6.3) Margi South (Hoffman) hʷi to run 6.4) Kilba (Hoffman) hʷi to run 6.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) hʷi/i handle (hoe etc.) 6.4.2) Kilba (Schuh) hʷi/i run

7Proto-Mandara *hʷaj run courir 7.1) Matal (Branger) màhʷɔ̄jāj run courir

8Proto-Mofu *hʷaj run courir 8.1) Merey (Gravina) hʷaj run courir, s'enfuir 8.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) mahʷaj run courir 8.3) Mofu North (Barreteau) máhʷāj courir 8.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷ(á) courir, fuir, s'enfuir 8.4.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷ(á) rouler vite (voiture, mobylette) 8.4.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷ(á) dérouler une botte de paille (un sekko)

9Proto-Lamang *hʷaj run courir 9.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hʷajaj to run courir

10Proto-Higi *hʷi run courir 10.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hʷehʷə run 10.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hoho run 10.3) Kirya (Blench) hʷji to run 10.4) Psikye (Angelo) xʷe run