tsaɬ ʸ v. hatch éclore (6 groups, 11 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This root is easily reconstructed, with very little change in the segments. The palatalisation prosody is present in five of the groups, and as expected it has been vocalised in the Lamang group. Reduplication in the Gude, Zulgo and Merey forms may indicate that a consonant has been lost at the start of the root.

1Proto-Bata *tsatsaɬɨ ʸ hatch éclore 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃatʃalhə hatch eggs

2Proto-Sukur *tsɨɬ ʸ hatch éclore 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) tʃiɬ hatch;- a young birth, chiken, insect, fish to come out from egg.

3Proto-Hurza tsaɬ ʸ hatch éclore 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃaɬja éclore (Afem)

4Proto-Mandara *tsɨɬa ʸ hatch éclore 4.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) tʃiɬa enlever en petits morceaux, éclore 4.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) tʃáɬé éclore, éclater 4.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) t͡ʃáɬᵊga hatch

5Proto-Mofu *tsaɬ ʸ hatch éclore 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tsàɬ found bâtir; commencer; débuter; éclore 5.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tsàɬ hatch eggs éclore 5.2) Zulgo (Haller) tsetsiɮ éclore, sortir de l'oeuf 5.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) metseɬe ɗəɬe hatch éclore 5.4) Merey (Gravina) tsətsaɬ hatch éclore

6Proto-Lamang *tsiɬ hatch éclore 6.1) Hdi (Bramlett) tsiɬaj to hatch éclore
tsɨ ʸ nm. eye oeil (8 groups, 20 languages) B syn: hadaj.
This root is less common than *hadaj, which has also been reconstructed for Proto-Chadic. However, it is still extremely widely attested. The *ts has become voiced in Proto-Bata and Proto-Daba, which is an irregular process, and has the regular reflex *s in Sukur and Proto-Kotoko Centre, along with several of the Kotoko North languages. The evidence for the palatalisation prosody is consistent.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨ ʸ eye oeil 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) dʒən Oeil

2Proto-Daba *ⁿdza ʸ eye oeil 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ⁿdʒe eye œil 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ⁿdʒɑ eye œil 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ᵐbu ⁿdʒe eye œil 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ⁿdʒe face visage

3Proto-Sukur *is eye oeil 3.1) Sukur (David) is eye 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼis eye; the two organs on the face that you see with.

4Proto-Margi *ntsa ʸ eye oeil 4.1) Bura (Blench) ntʃa Eye

5Proto-Mandara *jɨtsa ʸ eye oeil 5.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) itʃa oeil (m) 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) iitʃe eye 5.3) Glavda (Owens) eye 5.3.1) Glavda (Owens) eye

6Proto-Higi *ntsʲɨ eye oeil 6.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntsə eye 6.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ntsi eye 6.3) Kirya (Blench) ntʃí eye 6.4) Psikye (Angelo) nʃi eyes 6.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) hsú eyes 6.5) Bana (Lienhard) m(ə̀)tsə́ oeil

7Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨ eye oeil 7.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨ eye œil 7.2) Mpade (Allison) sɨ́ eye œil 7.3) Malgbe (Allison) eye œil 7.4) Maltam (Allison) eye œil

8Proto-Kotoko Centre *sɨ eye oeil 8.1) Lagwan (Allison) eye œil 8.2) Mser (Allison) eye œil
tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ n. porcupine porc-épic (4 groups, 16 languages) C cf: dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ.
This root is an innovation in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group, and has spread into the Hurza group. There has been much sporadic simplification, with two groups losing the palatalisation prosody, and widespread loss of the labialisation component of *hʷ. The *ɗ has been lost in all languages, except for some members of the Mofu group. This loss of material has been compensated for by the addition of a m- prefix in the Hurza and Margi groups, a v- prefix in Glavda, and reduplication in Mandara and Malgwa. There is also sporadic prenasalisation of the *ts in many languages, particularly in the Mofu group, where this has led to the voicing of *ts to /dz/.

1Proto-Hurza *mɨtsah porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mətsah porcupine porc-épic 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ānzáh porcupine porc-épic

2Proto-Margi *mɨtsa porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Bura (Blench) mantsina Porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Margi South (Harley) mətsa porcupine porc-épic

3Proto-Mandara *tsɨtsɨhʷa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Matal (Branger) ǣtʃhì porcupine porc-épic 3.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) tʃetʃehʷe porc-épic (m) 3.3) Malgwa (Löhr) tʃitʃiha porcupine porc-épic 3.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ávànd͡za porcupine porc-épic

4Proto-Mofu *tsɨhaɗ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ātsíhʷī porc-épic 4.2) Muyang (Smith) etʃihi porcupine porc-épic 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) eⁿdʒeheɗ porcupine porc-épic 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) tsèhé porc-épic m. 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzəheɗ porcupine porc-épic 4.6) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzəheɗ porcupine porc-épic 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒeheɗ porcupine porc-épic 4.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzəheɗ, ⁿdʒə̄héɗ porcépic
tsɨjɨw num. two deux (5 groups, 13 languages) B syn: ɓɨwak, sɨwra, kasi.
This root is one of several roots for 'two' found in Central Chadic. It is found on and to the east of the Northern Mandara Mountains. Zina is quite distant from the other languages, but shares several cognates with the languages of the Mandara Mountains, indicating a time of contact in the past. The *j has been reanalised as a prosody in most of the languages. The *w has been reanalysed as /u/ in Muyang and Zina. These are common sporadic processes. In Muyang, the /u/ is affected by the palatalisation prosody.

1Proto-Mafa *atsaw ʸ two deux 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tʃew deux 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tʃetʃew deux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) atʃew two (2) deux (2)

2Proto-Hurza *tsaw ʸ two deux 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃew two deux 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃāw two deux

3Proto-Mofu *tsɨjɨw two deux 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tsìjò two deux 3.2) Muyang (Smith) tʃitʃʉ two deux 3.2.1) Muyang (Smith) tʃitʃʉ two deux 3.2.2) Muyang (Smith) tʃʉ two deux 3.3) Moloko (Friesen) tʃew two deux 3.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) tʃéw deux 3.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tʃew two deux

4Proto-Maroua *tsɨw ʸ two deux 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuw deux 4.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuw le deuxième 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuw two (2) deux (2) 4.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃew deux 4.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) tíáẃ two deux

5Proto-Kotoko South *tsu two deux 5.1) Zina (Odden) tʃu two (2) deux (2)
tsɨkʷɨr n. chicken poulet (9 groups, 18 languages) D
Chicken farming is probably a comparatively recent activity amongst Central Chadic peoples. Proto-Central Chadic *r→l in the North sub-branch, but that change is not apparent in the data, indicating that the word entered Central Chadic after the time of the sound change, but at a time when /r/ had re-entered the phonemic inventory of the North languages from another mechanism. There is considerable variation in the forms that are attested, making it difficult to reconstruct the history of this word.

1Proto-Mafa *watsak chicken poulet 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) watʃak chicken poulet

2Proto-Sukur *takʷɨr chicken poulet 2.1) Sukur (David) takur chicken 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) takur chicken

3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdzɨkʷɨr chicken poulet 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzəkar chicken poulet 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) nzùgùràk chicken poulet

4Proto-Mandara *gʷɨtsɨkɨ chicken poulet 4.1) Matal (Branger) gʷatsak chicken poulet 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) utsəka,-ə poule

5Proto-Mofu *wɨtsɨkar ʸ, maⁿdzɨkʷɨr ʸ chicken poulet 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) wùtskár chicken poulet 5.2) Moloko (Friesen) aⁿdʒakar chicken, hen poule 5.3) Zulgo (Haller) meⁿdzíkʷir poule f., poulet m. 5.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) meⁿdzekʷer hen poule 5.5) Merey (Gravina) maⁿdzekʷer chicken poulet 5.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) wutʃəker chicken poulet

6Proto-Maroua *tsɨkʷar chicken poulet 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kətʃikar chicken poulet 6.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) mutʃukor poulet

7Proto-Lamang *ɣatakʷala chicken poulet 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣatakʷala chicken

8Proto-Kotoko South *tsakar chicken poulet 8.1) Zina (Odden) tʃákárá chicken poulet 8.2) Mazera (Allison) tʃakar hen poule 8.2.1) Mazera (Allison) tʃɨkre chicken poulet

9Proto-Musgum *mɨskɨr chicken poulet 9.1) Muskum (Tourneux) mɨskɨr poulet
tsɨvɨɗ ʸ n. path chemin (13 groups, 30 languages) B
There was a word-initial change *ts→t in several groups, which was a regular change in Proto-Bata, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Gidar, but irregular in Proto-Mandara and part of Proto-Mofu. There are also several instances of *ts→dz, which is a sporadic change. There was also a regular change *v→f in Proto-Musgum, and the same change (irregular) took place here in Proto-Daba, where metathesis and deletion of *ɗ have placed *ts in word-final position. *ɗ has been deleted in most groups. In Proto-Lamang and Proto-Musgum it has been palatalised to become *j, developing into *i in Proto-Mandara. These are common sporadic changes. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from most groups, but not the Bata or Daba groups where it would be expected.

1Proto-Bata *tɨvɨ path chemin 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) təvən Route 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) tɨvə Chemin 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) təve la route

2Proto-Daba *tɨf path chemin 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) tɑf path, road chemin, route 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) təf path, road chemin, route 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kataf path, road chemin, route 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) kàtə̄f ʼ le chemin

3Proto-Mafa *tsɨvaɗ ʸ path chemin 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tʃívéɗ chemin 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) tʃəvej path, road chemin, route

4Proto-Tera *ⁿdzɨva path chemin 4.1) Tera (Newman) ⁿdəva path 4.1.1) Tera (Newman) ⁿdəva road 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ᵑgⁿdʒiva path, road

5Proto-Sukur *tsɨvɨ ʸ path chemin 5.1) Sukur (Thomas) tʃivi way; ia the general term for way; it is either footpath, motorcycle, railway etc.

6Proto-Hurza *tsɨvaɗ ʸ path chemin 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃəveɗ road, path route (f), sentier

7Proto-Mandara *tɨvi path chemin 7.1) Matal (Branger) tètⁱ̀v(ì) path chemin 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) tɨvé,-ə chemin

8Proto-Mofu *tɨvɨ ʸ path chemin 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tìvì road chemin 8.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tìvì façon; ce n´est pas possible 8.2) Muyang (Smith) divi path ; permission route; piste; chemin

9Proto-Mofu *tsɨvaɗ ʸ path chemin 9.1) Moloko (Friesen) tʃəveɗ track piste 9.2) Merey (Gravina) tsəveɗ path, road chemin, route 9.3) Dugwor (Jubumna) tʃəved path, road chemin, route 9.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) tʃə̀vèɗ chemin 9.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́tʃəveɗ path chemin, route

10Proto-Maroua *dzɨvɨɗ ʸ path chemin 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒiveɗ path, road chemin, route 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) divi, dʒivi chemin 10.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) ɗìvíʼ path chemin

11Proto-Lamang *tɨvɨj path chemin 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) tə́vè road, path, way 11.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) wátə́vè path, road 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) təvi road le chemin, la route

12Proto-Musgum *tɨfɨj path chemin 12.1) Vulum (Tourneux) futii route 12.2) Mulwi (Tourneux) futii route 12.3) Mbara (Tourneux) tifaj road, path route, chemin

13Proto-Gidar *tɨva ʸ path chemin 13.1) Gidar (Hungerford) tive route, sentier, chemin 13.2) Gidar (Schuh) tive/e route
tsɨwi v. to cry pleurer (11 groups, 34 languages) B
The initial *ts has the reflex *t in several groups. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Musgum this is part of a regular process, but in other groups it is a sporadic change. The change *ts→s in Proto-Kotoko Centre is regular. In Mandara and Malgwa, the palatalisation prosody has developed, which has caused the palatalisation of *t. There is a regular process whereby palatalised alveolars are realised as palatalised velars, which here gives *tʲ→kʲ.

1Proto-Bata *tɨwɨ cry pleurer 1.1) Bata (Boyd) túú cry 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tuu cry, weep 1.2.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tuu howl (of animal) 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) tuwə pleurer

2Proto-Margi *tiwi, tɨwa cry pleurer 2.1) Bura (Blench) tua, tuwa Funeral (crying) 2.1.1) Bura (Blench) tua, tuwa To cry (in general) 2.1.2) Bura (Blench) tua, tuwa To mourn, weep 2.2) Margi (Hoffman) ti to cry 2.3) Margi South (Hoffman) tiwi to cry 2.4) Kilba (Schuh) tiwi cry, crying 2.4.1) Kilba (Hoffman) tiwi to cry

3Proto-Mandara *tɨwa ʸ cry pleurer 3.1) Matal (Branger) matəwaj // matuwaj matəwaj, matuwaj cry pleurer 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) tawa 1 pleurer 3.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) tawa 3 faire un bruit (animal ou moteur) 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) kjua pleurer 3.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kjuwa cry 3.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) túːga cry, weep

4Proto-Mofu *tɨwɨ cry pleurer 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) tūwō weep pleurer 4.2) Muyang (Smith) tʉwi weep ; cry pleurer 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) təwe cry pleurer 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) túwá pleurer, répandre des larmes 4.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) túwá (ᵑgát) pleurer qn., s'affliger pour qn. 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) metuwe wail, ululate (at funeral) (v) pleurer, gémir, ululer 4.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) metuwe cry, weep pleurer 4.6) Merey (Gravina) tuwa cry, weep pleurer 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətuwaj cry, weep pleurer 4.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətuwaj mɗumej wail, ululate (at funeral) (v) pleurer, gémir, ululer 4.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təw pleurer, crier ; chanter (oiseau) ; résonner (instrument de musique) 4.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təw couler (sève), suinter 4.8.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təw produire abondamment (huile)

5Proto-Maroua *tɨwa cry pleurer 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tuwuj pleurer 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tuwuj zuŋ pleurer 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tuwaj cry, weep pleurer 5.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tuwa vo wail, ululate (at funeral) (v) pleurer, gémir, ululer 5.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tuwaj pleurer

6Proto-Lamang *tawa cry pleurer 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) tawa cry, weep, mourn 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) taw cry le pleur 6.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) tawaj to cry pleurer

7Proto-Kotoko Island *tsuj cry pleurer 7.1) Buduma (McKone) tʃuj pleurer.

8Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨwe cry pleurer 8.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwe cry, weep pleurer 8.2) Mpade (Allison) swè wail, ululate (at funeral) (v); cry, weep pleurer, gémir, ululer; pleurer 8.3) Malgbe (Allison) suwe; kidɨ gba suwe; sue wail, ululate (at funeral) (v); cry, weep pleurer, gémir, ululer; pleurer

9Proto-Kotoko Centre *sɨwe cry pleurer 9.1) Lagwan (Allison) sɨwe; ⁿdɨsɨwun sɨwe wail, ululate (at funeral) (v); cry, weep pleurer, gémir, ululer; pleurer 9.2) Mser (Allison) swe wail, ululate (at funeral) (v); cry, weep pleurer, gémir, ululer; pleurer

10Proto-Kotoko South *tsɨwja cry pleurer 10.1) Zina (Odden) tʃùwjà cry, weep pleurer

11Proto-Musgum *tɨwa cry pleurer 11.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) tuwi pleurer, crier (pour des animaux) 11.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwa weep